院校巡禮

 

南開大學歷史系簡介

 

王富春

南開大學歷史系

 

 

一、概況 

    南開大學歷史系的前身是1919年南開大學建校時所設的歷史科。二三十年代有梁啟超、范文瀾、蔣廷黻等名家在此傳道授業。抗戰時與北大、清華組建西南聯大期間,成立了南開大學歷史系。解放後,原北大歷史系主任鄭天挺、原清華歷史系主任雷海宗調任南開歷史系任教,從而奠定了該系在全國高校中的重要地位。60年代該系曾設置博物館學專門方向,1980年正式建立了全國第一個博物館學專業。1981年又增設旅游學專業,後獨立成系。歷經數十年的建設,該系早已成為學科布局齊全、優勢特色明顯、師資力量雄厚、圖書資料豐富、現代化教學手段先進的高水平的教學與科學研究基地。中國古代史、中國近現代史、世界地區國別史為國家級重要學科,1995年又通過國家教委組織的「211工程」部門預審,成為國家投資重點資助的學科。1994年又被教委確定為國家文科基礎學科人才培養和科學研究基地,每年將獲得數十萬元的專項資金。現有四個博士點,八個碩士點可招收博士生、碩士生。南開大學歷史系以其雄厚的實力位居中國各重點大學歷史系前列。

    該系現有教授22名(其中博士生導師11名),副教授17名,講師9 名。所有教授、副教授均為碩士生導師,其中既有享譽海內外的老一輩歷史學家,也有近年來活躍於史學界、成績卓著的中青年學者。

歷史系非常重視基礎教學與科學研究。「寬基礎、重能力、優素質」為其辦學特色。從1995年起每年都招收「基地生」。實行基地生優惠政策即財政優惠、圖書優惠、使用設備優惠、課程優惠、畢業去向優惠。優秀生不僅能得到特殊獎勵,而且將有50%以上同學可以直接攻讀碩士研究生。

    科研成果豐碩。1980年以來,共推出學術著作和專業教材365部,發表學術論文1671篇,譯著104種。完成國家、天津市及全國性獎勵百餘次。其中有些成果在國內外產生重大影響,有些被譯成英、日、韓文在國內外出版,有的為國外同行廣泛引據。

    歷史系十分重視國際學術交流,曾多次舉辦重要的國際學術會議,並與美國、英國、日本、德國、澳大利亞、俄羅斯、韓國、香港等國家與地區的著名大學歷史系有較密切的學術交流。特別是每年均有來自上述國家、地區的留學生到這╴進修、攻讀學士、碩士或博士學位。
 
 

  二、本專科專業及課程設置 

    (一)專業設置及概況 ──歷史系現設中國歷史(中國歷史、中國城市文化建設方向)、世界歷史(世界史、國際文化交流與涉外事務方向)、博物館學(博物館現代化管理、文物鑒定、文物古跡與歷史文化資源開發方向)、涉外秘書(專科)四個專業和七個專業方向,均可招收本專科學生。

 

1. 中國史專業

    下設中國古代史和中國近現代史教研室。

    中國古代史專業:實力雄厚、聞名中外的中國古代史專業,是國家級重點學科,博士授予權單位。這╴,老中青史學家薈萃,擁有博士生導師、教授6人、副教授7 人、講師1人。這支斷代史齊全、專門史突出的教學、科研隊伍,在先秦史、隋唐史、元史、明清史、政治思想史、社會史等方向的學術水平,處於學科的領先地位。他們常年擔負著國家和地方的研究課題,出版了大量學術著作。開設的主要課程除了中國古代史、各個斷代史之外,還有社會史、政治思想史、政治制度史、科技史、史學史、史學概論、知識分子史、少數民族史、歷史地理概論、中西文化交流史等專門史,總計必修、選修課程有40門之多。其中一些課程成為全國率先開設、我系獨有,具有獨創性。本專業教師學術視野開闊,思想敏銳,勤於著述,每年均有不少論文或著作問世,經常出席國內外學術研討會,不斷獲得最新學術信息,近年有5人出國進修、訪問而歸,更好地把握了國外中國學研究的現狀,本專業與海內外學術界保持著廣泛的學術交流和聯繫,古老的學科正以青春的步履走向現代化。凝聚悠久歷史、燦爛文化的中國古代史學,在處於歷史巨大變革的現實社會,以她特有的學術魅力征服著每一個想要探索古老民族獲得新生的奧秘的莘莘學子,「究天人之際,通古今之變」,意在斯乎!意在斯乎!

    中國近現代史:本專業為國家級重點學科,現有教授7名,副教授4名,講師2名,其中博士生導師3名,碩士生導師8名,師資力量雄厚,在中國近現代政治史、文化史和抗日戰爭史研究中處於國際、國內領先地位。近年來共舉辦國際學術討論會兩次,出版著作80餘部,論文300餘篇,曾有30餘人次出國訪問、講學和進修。

    本學科培養的已畢業和在學的博士生共23名,碩士生50餘名,許多人已成為國內知名學者。另外,共接受留學生15名。

    本學科開設的主要課程有:中國近代史、中國現代史、中國當代史;選修課有:近代社會思潮史;義和團運動研究、近代文化史、辛亥革命史、近代秘密社會史、近代外交史、近代傳教史、土地革命史、抗日戰爭史、中國政黨史、中國租界史、近現代政治制度史、現代中日關係史、「文化大革命」史等30餘門,涉及面廣,學術性強。

    本學科教學方法靈活,效果顯著,除課堂講授外,還有課外實習、研究討論、實地調查、共同研究和撰寫論文指導等,可使學生全面發展,有較強的寫作與社會活動能力。本學科師生關係融和,教學相長,較好地繼承了南開「家庭學校」的傳統,學生心情愉快,刻苦攻讀,興趣廣博,尤為校內諸科學子注目。

    學生畢業分配去向主要為高級黨政機關、新聞出版機構、文史研究部門等。每年畢業生有相當多數直接或考取碩士、博士研究生。

 

2. 博物館學專業

    南開大學歷史系早在60年代就曾設置過博物館學專門方向。為適應迅速發展的中國文物博物館事業的需求,在國家文物局、國家教育部的大力支持下、1980年正式建立了南開大學歷史系博物館學專業,開全國高校博物館學專業、培養文物博物館學專門人才之先河,並成為中國博物館學會唯一的高校理事單位。十多年來培養和造就了一批又一批優秀人才。

    本專業擁有一支博士生導師、碩士生導師等組成的陣容齊整、實力雄厚的教師隊伍,還有史樹青(全國文物鑒定委員會副主任)、李學勤(國務院學術職稱評議委員會委員)等五位國內外知名的兼職教授。

    本專業課程設置科學完備,知識面廣,理論與實踐相結合,教學手段多樣。既能系統學習知識和鑒別方法,即能系統學習博物館學的理論和知識,又能具體學習掌握陳列展覽設計,藏品收集管理以及傳拓、測緩、田野發掘、文物攝影等專門知識與技能。

    從事並勝任文物博物館學的研究教學,各類文物博物機構各項業務和管理工作,不同形式的文物經營活動,是南開大學歷史系博物館學專業主要培養方向和目標。此外它所培養的學生也可以從事並勝任諸如旅游業、傳統文化資源開發等與文博事業相關的工作,以及其它文化教育宣傳工作。

    中國的文物博物館事業方興未艾,她作為一個國家民族文化、民族精神象徵,人類文化菁華和史實的寶庫,受益無窮的立體百科全書,終身教育大學,在未來的二十一世紀前景將更加輝煌。中國五千年燦爛的歷史文化遺產,急需年青的專業人才發掘、整理、研究、保護並傳播於全人類。

 

3. 世界史專業

    世界史專業中的地區國別史為國家級重點學科,現有教授5人,副教授5人,講師4人,其中博士生導師1人,碩士生導師10人(歷史研究所除外),師資力量雄厚,科研成果豐碩,在全國享有較高聲譽。

    教授副教授多留學歐美,或多次出國講學訪問,有較強的國際學術聯繫和影響,多人在全國性學術團體中任理事以上職務。講師均具有博士或碩士學位。本專業多次舉辦國際和全國性學術討論會。歷年來6門基礎課獲校級教學質量優秀獎,二人獲校級教書育人優秀教師稱號。

    世界史專業現設世界古代中世紀教研室和世界近現代教研室。

    專業方向:世界史專業,4年制本科,培養世界史研究教學、國家公務員和涉外工作人才。涉外秘書專業,2年制專科,培養應用涉外秘書和涉外工作人員。

    世界史專業每年收15人左右,自今年開始其中大部份優秀學生為文科基地生,部份優秀基地生可免試直攻本系碩士博士學位。世界史專業為基地生設置了嚴格系統的基地課程,選派資深教授副教授主講,教學內容豐富,教學手段先進,教學環境優良。

    世界史專業基礎課程和選修課體系化,除世界史(古代、中世紀、近代、現代和當代)外有50餘門必修課和選修課,以專門史(史學史、文化史、政治制度史、經濟史、宗教史、國際關係史等)和地區國別史(歐美史、亞非拉史、亞太史、美國史、英國史、日本史、蘇俄史等)培養學生牢固的專業知識。

    強化英語教學。英語是世界史專業學生的強項,在總課時中佔很大比例。除2年每周4學時的公共英語外,由資深教授副教授開設2年每周2學時的世界史專業英語,由外籍專家開設2年每周4學時的英語口語,這在全國高校中是少有的。通過全方位強化訓練,學生聽說讀寫能力較強,英語四級通過率為100%,優秀學生達到六級水平,年六級通過60%以上。

    應用技能強,專門開設電腦課程,上機時間多,並開設中英文打字課程,使學生能熟練掌握中英文輸入和基本的電腦應用技術。

    畢業去向:由於世界史專業學生基礎牢固,英語和電腦水平高,有較強的適應性,是社會歡迎的人才。畢業生分配歷年順利,國家計劃和雙向選擇結合。除部分直攻或考取碩士研究生外,大部份從事研究、公務員、涉外、獨合資企業等工作。許多學生到外國攻讀博士或謀職。現我系世界史專業畢業生已遍佈全世界,可謂桃李滿天下。

 

4. 涉外秘書專業

    本專業是1993年適應改革開放需要而創立的,培養社會急需的涉外秘書和涉外工作人員,採用強化教學方法在二年中使學生成為具備廣博的涉外基礎知識、訓練的英語和電腦打字等技能的應用型人才。

    專業基礎課和選修課:涉外基礎知識,國際關係、國際貿易、歐美各國概況、亞非拉概況、公共關係、涉外禮儀等必備專業知識。

    強化英語:一年每周4學時的專業外語(由老教授和留歐博士、副教授主講),二年每周4學時的公共英語,二年每周4學時的英語口語(由留英副教授主講),一學期每周4學時的英文寫作與翻譯(由老教授主講),教學手段現代化,方法靈活,要求嚴格,使學生在聽說讀寫諸方面提高,能適應工作需要。前兩屆學生在系兩屆英語口語大賽中分別奪一、二、三等獎。93級四級考試通過6人。學生較高的英語水平在畢業實習和求職中受到用人單位的好評。

    加強應用技能訓練,開設電腦,英文打字應用文寫作等課程,使學生能訓練掌握電腦中英文輸入技術,能打出規範的信件、文章和簡歷,掌握正確的盲打技術,並能寫出中文信函並掌握文檔管理方法。

畢業求職:本專業畢業生面向社會、面向市場雙向選擇。由於涉外秘書是目前國內十大短缺人才之一,社會需求大於供給,求職選擇範圍廣泛,前景可觀。

    93級畢業生將畢業實習與求職結合起來,部份學生直接為實習單位錄用,大部份學生在畢業前已找到理想的工作,少數同學目前仍在幾個錄用公司之間進行選擇。學生畢業後主要任合資獨資企業經理總經理秘書、涉外秘書,國家涉外查關局長秘書或涉外工作人員,月薪一般在600-1200元之間,地點以市區和開發區為多,個別郊縣戶口的學生因被國營大公司錄用,戶口可遷入市內。這屆畢業生普遍感到工作好找,學生和用人單位雙滿意。

    由於我系對涉外秘書專業較為重視,選派以教授、副教授為絕大多數的資深教師任教,教學成果顯著,在全校專科四級外語考試中通過率最高。

 

    (二)主要課程 ──中國歷史、世界歷史、博物館學三個本科專業開設的共同基礎課有:外語、古代漢語、計算機應用、文哲名著導讀、寫作、中國傳統文化基礎。

    中國歷史專業的主要專業課有:中國史學史、史學概論、斷代史與政治制度、政治思想、文化、社會、外交、城市史等。

    世界史專業的專業課有:外國史學史、世界地區國別史(美國、日本、英國、非洲、拉丁美洲、希臘羅馬、朝鮮、俄羅斯等)、國際關係史、國際政治史、世界宗教、國際文化、世界商務史、國際禮儀、專業外語、口語、應用英文翻譯等。

    博物館學專業的主要專業課程為:中國通史、世界文化史、博物館學概論、陳列藝術與保管學、考古學通論、物質文化史、古器物學(青銅器、陶瓷、玉器)、中國古代繪畫、古璽印、古文字學、陳列應用與製作技術等20餘門。該專業有較多的時間從事教學實踐活動。

    涉外秘書專業的主要課程為:英語、計算機應用、應用文寫作、涉外基礎知識、國際關係、國際貿易史、歐美各國概況、亞非拉概況、公共關係學、涉外禮儀、涉外法基礎等。

 

  三、培養目標及分配去向



    以上三個專業主要培養學生具有堅定的政治方向,堅持四項基本原則,遵紀守法,有良好的道德品質和文明風尚。在業務上要求學生勤奮學習,努力掌握現代科學文化知識,能用馬克思主義的立場、觀點和方法觀察和分析問題,具有本專業的基本理論、基礎知識和基本技能,知識面寬,有獨立綜合運用本專業知識的能力和有較強的文字和口頭表達能力、運用先進的信息技術解決實際問題的能力,社會活動能力及較強的科研能力,掌握一門外語。

    各專業主要培養高校教學、科研和實際工作者。畢業生可從事高校、科研單位、新聞出版、黨校、黨政機關、外事外貿、對外文化宣傳、三資企業、城建、城市規劃、國家和各省市博物館、文物機構及其他文化部門工作。每年有25%以上的畢業生考取碩士生。


 

 

 

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周佳榮

香港浸會大學歷史系

 

 

    古代越南曾經由中國直接統治了一千年,時間大約以漢、唐盛世為起迄,即由公元前111年漢武帝置交趾、九真、日南三郡時開始,至公元938年為止(公元939年吳權自立為交趾王,是越南獨立之始)。在中國文化的影響下,越南成為古代東亞世界「漢字文化圈」的成員之一。研究這段「北屬時期」的歷史,自然以中國史料、史書最為重要。越南從中國獨立以後的一千年間,歷代王朝仍以漢文作為行政及學術上使用的文字,因此這時期的史料、史書雖出於越南人之手,但主要都用漢文寫成。這種情況,直至十九世紀越南淪為法國的殖民地後,始告結束,不過遲至二十世紀初期,一些越南人還有使用漢文撰作的習慣。

    現存的越南漢文史籍多屬寫本,流傳不廣,除有部分曾經刊刻或影印出版外1,多數集中收藏於幾個研究機構2。本文旨在介紹越南重要漢文史籍的成書經過、內容和版本,敘述後世學者從事整理及研究的概略;古代越南史學的發展,從中亦可見一斑。撰寫時參考了日本金澤大學片倉穰教授的專文3,並翻查了一些專門詞典和工具書4

 
一、《安南志略》
 

    《安南志略》屬地方志,是越南現存最古的史書。1333年黎崱撰,1339年加筆。體例仿中國方志,共二十卷;通行本為十九卷,但內容與二十卷本相同。

    此書是越南降元以後,越南人在中國撰寫和出版的著作,所載不限於歷史方面,而及於地理、制度和詩文,是了解陳朝(1225-1400)及前此歷史的基本材料,對研究越南古代史地頗有價值。

    1961年間在順化出版的越南音譯、語譯本,是以通行本為底本,用內閣文庫、靜嘉堂文庫、倫敦大英博物館所藏的三種寫本校勘,書後附有原文。此書另有法文譯本(1896)

 

二、《大越史記全書》

    《大越史記全書》乃黎朝史官吳士連等撰修的編年體正史,是研究越南前近代史最基本、最重要的史書。此書是以下列兩種著作為基礎編成的:

    ()《大越史記》:陳太宗時(1225-58),榜眼黎文休(又稱黎休)奉敕撰,於聖宗紹隆十五年(1272)成書,共三十卷。此書採編年體記載公元前三世紀末至十三世紀初的史事,始於趙武帝(207),終於李昭皇(1224),是越南第一部正史。今已失傳,只有一些評論以「黎文休曰…」的形式保存在《大越史記全書》之中。

    ()《史記續編》:黎仁宗時(1442-59),命潘孚先補修《大越史記》,始自陳太宗(1225),終於明朝放棄交趾(1427),共十卷,1455年成書,稱《史記續編》。

    黎聖宗洪德年間(1470-97),復命吳士連重修。吳士連根據前二書,於1479年完成《大越史記全書》。此書分為兩編:前編稱為「外紀」,有五卷,記事始自傳說中的鴻龐氏,迄於平定十二使君(967);後編稱為「本紀」,有九卷,始自丁先皇(即丁部領,968-79),止於黎太祖(1428);再加《黎太祖紀》一卷,全書共十五卷。

    1665年范公著奉命續修《大越史記全書》,增加撰者不詳的《本紀實錄》五卷,及范公著編的《本紀續編》三卷,成為二十三卷本。《本紀實錄》始自黎太宗(1434),迄黎恭皇及莫朝初年(1532);《本紀續編》起於黎庄宗(1533),至黎神宗(1662)為止。正和十八年(1697)黎僖撰成《本紀續編追加》一卷,又增加1662-75年黎玄宗和黎嘉宗兩朝實錄。黎僖所修之書,即為《大越史記全書》的最後修訂本,至此全書遂告完成,頒行天下。

    簡言之,《大越史記全書》共有二十四卷:《外紀全書》五卷,《本紀全書》九卷,《本紀實錄》六卷,《本紀續編》三卷,《本紀續編追加》一卷。採編年體,並仿中國司馬遷《史記》之例,在敘事後加作者評論,但無紀、傳、志、表。現存越南古代史書中,以此最為重要。

    此書除最初的刻本外,西山朝時代、阮朝均有版刻或覆刻。1885年日本人引田利章在日本以活字印刷,成為今日的通行本,但錯漏頗多51967-68年間,越南社會科學委員會出版全六冊的越南語譯。近年有陳荊和編校的《校合本.大越史記全書》行世6,以不同版本互校,並加標點和註釋,對研究者最稱方便。

  三、《越史略》

    《越史略》又名《大越史略》,是越南最早的編年體史書。撰者不詳(有人認為作者是胡宗鷟),大約是陳朝昌符年間(1377-88)的著作。共有三卷,上卷起自傳說時代,迄於前黎朝滅亡;中、下卷皆載李朝(1010-1225)史事,記述特詳。因陳朝改李姓為阮,故書中李朝之李均作阮及阮朝。書後附陳朝紀年。一般認為,此書是簡化《大越史記》之作7;無論如何,此書與《大越史記全書》同為考察李朝及前此史事的基本材料。

    《越史略》在越南國內已失傳,流傳於中國,收入《四庫全書》。此外,亦為守山閣叢書、皇朝藩屬輿地叢書、叢書集成所收。有越南語譯(1960)。日本學者片倉穰編《大越史略索引》(廣島:溪水社,1990),方便檢索。

  四、《越史通鑑綱目》

 
    《越史通鑑綱目》原稱《欽定越史通鑑綱目》,是阮朝嗣德帝敕令編纂的編年體越南通史。1856-59年間,國史館總裁潘清簡主持其事,經過1871-84年的檢訂,於建福帝元年(1884)進呈,板刻頒行天下。

    此書是越南人用漢文所寫的最重要的通史,仿中國《資治通鑑綱目》的體裁,將《大越史記全書》等書所載的史事細分段落,加上標題及提綱。事項、人名、地名等加註,對綱目內容的批評則有謹案;各頁上欄的空白,還有嗣德帝的御批。

    卷首收諭旨、奏議、凡例;前編五卷,始於越南的建國神話,重點是中國歷代王朝由漢代至五代支配下北屬時期的歷史;正編四十七卷,內容始於脫離中國而獨立的丁朝(968),至黎朝滅亡(1789)為止。書中引用的若干文獻現已不存,又有一些獨自的記事,今日已經成為研究越南前近代史的基礎文獻。

    此書在台灣有影印本,部分內容有法文翻譯(1950)1957-60年間,河內曾經進行現代語譯;據說1965-74年間,西貢(今胡志明市)出版過附有原文及音譯的越南語譯本。日本學者也做過一些索引工夫8

 

五、《歷朝憲章類誌》

    《歷朝憲章類誌》乃越南唯一的類書,是研究黎朝歷史的基本史料。阮朝潘輝註撰,1821年完成,以寫本傳世。共四十九卷,分為輿地誌、人物誌、官職誌、禮儀誌、科目誌、國用誌、刑律誌、兵制誌、文籍誌、邦交誌,將有關黎朝的史料和記事分類和整理,並作扼要的記述。此書的刑律誌和國用誌,有法語譯註(1908-32)1957年西貢出版了官職誌、國用誌及刑律誌的越南語譯,附原文及音譯;1960-62年間,河內則把全書譯成越南語相繼刊行。

  六、《黎朝刑律》

    《黎朝刑律》是黎朝時代(1428-1789)官撰,但成立年代不詳。六卷12721條,是越南現存最古的法典。現存的寫本是1908年在順化發現的,其淵源郤不甚明確,學者認為應與下列兩種文獻有關:其一,是以黎朝聖宗時制定洪德條律(刑律)為基礎,於1767年刊行的《國朝條律》。現存的木刻本《國朝刑律》六卷,幾乎與《國朝條律》的內容相同;《黎朝刑律》被認為是後代手寫的《國朝條律》,《歷朝憲章類誌》的〈刑律誌〉亦收錄入內9。其二,是《律書》六卷,這可能是十五世紀的洪德原律,或者是阮薦之作。

    《黎朝刑律》的編排,分為名例、衛禁、職制、軍政、戶婚、田產、姦通、盜賊、鬥訟、詐偽、雜律、捕亡、斷獄等章別。其內容以唐律為基本,加上明律,及為數頗多的越南固有法的條文而成,充分反映出越南本身的社會習慣,這與1812年制定的、直接輸入清法典的阮朝《皇越律例》二十二卷大為不同。

  七、《大南實錄》

    《大南實錄》乃越南阮朝歷代皇帝的編年體實錄,五百八十四卷,阮朝諸臣奉敕撰,是研究阮朝的最重要史料,內有部分涉及中國明清時期的記載可供參考。

    阮朝世祖嘉隆帝於1811年下令撰修《國朝實錄》,至憲祖紹治四年(1844),首先以廣南封建領主時代阮氏歷代各王的實錄,作為《前編》十二卷上梓。嘉隆帝以下歷代皇帝的實錄,由國史館編修,從嗣德元年(1848)至維新三年(1909),相繼刊刻了《正編第一紀》(世祖實錄)、《正編第二紀》(聖祖實錄)以至《正編第六紀》(同慶帝實錄),共計四百四十一卷。另附《大南正編列傳》初集及二集。

    《前編》的內容,是把越南分裂為安南、廣南南北兩個勢力圈的二百年歷史,從阮氏方面加以敘述。《正編》記載阮朝歷史,對阮朝在抵抗法國侵略及逐漸走向滅亡期間的宮廷動向,有清楚的交代。因避聖祖明命帝皇后之諱,書名「實錄」寫成「寔錄」。

    此書除刻本外,另有日本慶應大學言語文化研究所的影印本 (1961年起刊行,至1981年共出二十冊)。日人研究此書的成果,也很方便參考10。河內和西貢,都出版過部分的越南語譯(1962)

 

八、《大南會典事例》

    《大南會典事例》原稱《欽定大南會典事例》,共二百六十四卷,阮朝敕撰,1855年完成。刻本。此書依《大清會典事例》的形式,把阮初至嗣德五年(1852)的事例分類和加以整理,是研究阮代的基本史料,其重要性僅次於《大南實錄》。1965年起,西貢出版了附有原文的部分越南語譯。

  九、《大南一統志》

    《大南一統志》是記述阮朝版圖的地誌。翼宗嗣德十八年(1865)敕令國史館仿中國清朝敕撰書《大清一統志》進行編述,於嗣德三十五年(1882)完成。其後有所補續,但1885年乙酉之役,咸宜帝敗於法軍,蒙塵之際,稿本亦部分散失。成泰十八年(1906)重修,維新三年(1909)刊刻。成其事者,為國史館總裁高春育。由於當時越南在法國支配下分割為三個地區,刊刻內容只限於保護王國安南所在的中圻諸省,北圻及南圻各省仍以稿本形式流傳下來。

    此書共十七卷,列目二十三條,載錄各省的疆界和沿革,及府縣的分轄、形勢、氣候、城池、學校、戶口、田賦、山川、古蹟、祠廟、陵墓、寺觀、關汎、驛站、橋樑、市舖、人物、僧釋、土產等。雖然若干地方只有片斷記述,欠統一性,但畢竟提供了大量有關十九世紀末年越南地理的貴重資料,可以作為歷史研究的參考。1941年日本印度支那研究會松本信廣將本書分兩冊影印出版。

  十、《同慶地輿誌》

    《同慶地輿誌》是越南重要的地理書,亦稱《同慶御覽地輿誌略》,阮朝官撰,完成於1885-88年間。寫本。日本東洋文庫出版的《同慶御覽地輿誌圖》上、下(1943),是複製此書的地圖三百一十四幅而成的;書中有山本達郎的〈關於安南的地誌──同慶地輿誌解說〉,頗為詳盡。
 

  餘論

    上述十種漢籍,都是研究越南歷史、文化所不可缺少的重要材料。從這些漢籍的編修緣起和體例內容,可以充分看出越南從中國獨立以後的一千年間,史學撰著大抵仿照中國史書,其規模雖不能與中國相提並論,但較諸其他東南亞國家,是堪稱進步和完備的。

    近數十年來,越南學界的要工作之一,是把這些漢籍翻譯成越南語。不過,無論越南音譯、語譯或法文翻譯,其完整性和重要性都不能超過漢文原本。中國學界在這方面佔有很大的優勢,事實上中國學者整理越南漢文史料的貢獻,一向是受到國際學界注重的,例如陳荊和教授在香港出版《國史遺編》(香港:新亞研究所,1965)、編註阮述《往津日記》(香港:中文大學出版社,1980),及主持《大越史記全書》的校勘工作等。日本老一輩的史學家,一般都通曉漢文,所以在研究越南漢籍方面,取得的成績也很不少。

    於此,我們希望中國學界不要浪費本身擁有大量古代文獻的特有條件,及可以直接利用越南漢籍的優勢,大力開展對越南以至東南亞各國的史學研究,使中國不再處於只提供史料的地步,重新成為研究東南亞史的重鎮。

 
 



 

1 例如1884年岸田吟香在上海翻刻《安南志略》,同年引田利章在日本翻刻《大越史記全書》等。

2 有關這些機關的藏書情況,日本學者比較留意,可參:松本信廣〈河內法國遠東學院所藏安南本書目〉(《史學》1341934),及〈越南王室所藏安南本書目〉(《史學》1421935);山本達郎〈河內法國遠東學院所藏字喃本及安南版漢籍書目〉(《史學》1641938),〈河內法國遠東學院所藏安南本追加目錄〉(《東學報》3621953),〈巴黎國民圖書館所藏安南本目錄〉(《東學報》3611953),〈巴黎亞細亞協會所藏安南本書目〉(《東洋文化研究所紀要》51954);川本邦衛〈越南社會科學書院所藏漢喃本目錄〉(《慶應義塾大學言語文化研究所紀要》21971);藤原利一郎〈巴黎國立圖書館新收安南本目錄〉(《史窗》321974)等。還有《東洋文庫朝鮮本分類目錄附安南本目錄》(東洋文庫,1939)Cornell University Libraries Southeast Asia Catalog1-7 (Boston, 1976)等。

3 片倉穰〈越南前近代資料解說〉,《亞細亞歷史研究入門》第五卷(京都:同朋舍,1984),頁448-453

4 例如:《東洋史料集成》(東京:平凡社,1956)、《世界歷史辭典》(上海:上海辭書出版社,1985)、《東南亞知識事典》(東京:平凡社,1986)、《東南亞歷史詞典》(上海:上海辭書出版社,1995)等。

5 有關《大越史記全書》的成書和流傳情況,可參陳荊和〈大越史記全書的撰修與傳本〉,《東南亞─歷史與文化》7(1977)

6 陳荊和編校《校合本.大越史記全書》上、中、下冊 (東京:東京大學東洋文化研究所附屬東洋學文獻中心,1984)

7 山本達郎〈越史略與大越史記〉(《東學報》3241950),對《越史略》與《大越史記》的關係有所闡述。

8 竹田龍兒編〈欽定越史通鑑綱目註索引(地名之部)〉,《史學》3334合刊(1961)

9 《黎朝刑律》與《國朝刑律》有不同之處,例如:《黎朝刑律》的〈職制章〉在《國朝刑律》作〈違制章〉;《黎朝刑律》有721條,《國朝刑律》則有722條。

10 松本信廣〈安南史研究上的兩種資料──Bibliographie Annamite與大南實錄〉(《史學》1511936);大澤一雄《大南實錄前編索引──人名之部》(慶應義塾大學文學部東洋史研究室,1964)

 


 

 

 

【學術會議】

 

 

近代中國基督教史研討會報導

 

    香港浸會大學歷史學系與林思齊東西學術交流研究所合辦的「近代中國基督教史研討會」,1998328日在善衡校園邵逸夫大樓九樓會議廳舉行。會議首由校牧江振發博士作開會禱告,然後分五節進行。

    第一節由浸大歷史系系主任周佳榮博士主持,報告包括:李金強(浸大歷史系副教授)「中國基督教史研究之興起與發展」(評論:陶飛亞),黃文江(浸大歷史系助理教授)「香港基督教史的回顧與檢討」(評論:朱心然),邢福增(香港建道神學院基督教與中國文化研究中心主任)「史學意識形態化的紏結──記五十年代關於評價教會自立運動的一場爭論」(評論:鄧肇明)

    第二節由浸大宗哲系副教授羅秉祥博士主持,報告有:夏其龍(天主教香港教區檔案處主任)「十九世紀香港天主教的發展」(評論:李志剛),賀璋瑢(華南師範大學歷史系副教授)「十九世紀初至二十世紀初基督新教在廣州發展概況」(評論:梁家麟),查時傑(台灣大學歷史系教授)「台灣長老教會四大家族發展初探」(評論:李金強),梁潔芬(香港嶺南學院社會政治學系高級講師)「中梵談判:新瓶舊酒」(評論:林瑞琪)

    第三節由浸大教學發展中心主任陳湛杰博士主持,主題是「香港基督教、天主教的研究團體」,包括四個報告:夏其龍神父介紹天主教香港教區檔案處,龐君華先生(基督教與中國宗教文化研究社副主任)介紹基督教與中國宗教文化研究社,邢福增博士介紹基督教與中國文化研究中心,黃文江博士介紹中國基督教文獻部。

    第四節由台灣中央研究院近代史研究所副研究員張壽安博士主持,報告有:徐以驊(上海復旦大學美國研究中心副教授)「教會大學與神學教育」(評論:邢福增),吳梓明(香港中文大學宗教系副教授)「燕京大學的宗教教育」(評論:劉義章),梁家麟(香港建道神學院副院長)「無能者的無能──一九四五至五一年的趙紫宸」(評論:余達心)

    第五節由李金強博士主持,報告包括:李志剛(香港華人基督教聯會主席)「鮑留雲牧師在港對留學運動之影響及其對資本主義思想之引介」(評論:林啟彥),費樂仁(Lauren Pfister,浸大宗哲系副教授)「鴉片戰爭中的車錦光」(評論:黃文江),陶飛亞(山東大學歷史系副教授)「耶穌家庭宗教詩文的詮釋」(評論:查時傑)

    浸大歷史系與教學發展中心編印的《近代中國基督教史研究集刊》創刊號(19984),亦於同日正式出版並致送給與會人士。

 

(香港浸會大學歷史系資料室)

 


 

 

 

【Historian and History】

 

 

Why Did Wang Tao go to Hong Kong? Some Preliminary Observation from the Unpublished Documents in the Public Records Office, London

 

Natascha Vittinghoff

Heidelberg University

 

 

Hong Kong had become Wang Tao's place of refugee for more than 20 years and the prevailing narrative about the reasons for his exile are wellknown to many readers: Wang Tao had undertaken a trip to his hometown in spring 1862 and thereby had crossed the newly conquered territory of the Taiping kingdom. During his travels a certain document fell into the hands of some Qing officials, in which the rebels were advised how to capture the city of Shanghai. For reasons of style and signature this letter was ascribed to Wang Tao. After learning about this accusation Wang Tao returned to Shanghai and strongly affirmed his innocence. And yet, the Qing government did not believe him and only with the help of the British missionaries and the Consul in Shanghai he was able to escape from detention - which most likely would have been followed by his execution - and fled to Hong Kong.

Academic debates focused on the question, whether Wang Tao had written the letter to the rebels or not, for many years. It may suffice to mention at this place, that meanwhile the majority holds the opinion, that he is the author and was in fact supporting the Taiping. Given his close contact to the missionaries, who were often very supportive of the "Christian" rebellion, and his reformist stance, such an attitude would not even be too surprising. The following documents of the Public Record Office in London, which were neglected in the discussion so far, cannot shed light on this particular question, but rather pose the more fundamental and until now untouched question, whether his flight to Hong Kong has been necessary at all. This is why I would like to present them here.

The following communications between the Consul Medhurst in Shanghai, the Daotai Wu Xu (吳煦), the British Minister Sir Frederick William Adolphus Bruce (1814 - 1867) in Peking as well as Prince Gong discuss Wang Tao's detention and its possible consequences at length. One month after the letter had been found with the rebels, Wu Xu had proposed to Wang Tao to return to Shanghai without having to fear grave consequences: "Lan Ch'ing, if you will come to my place again, I will not fail to secure you [from harm]. Do not mind what people say. 4th moon, 8th day."1 These assurances notwithstanding, the investigating magistrate Liu ordered to arrest Wang Tao, who stood under protection of William Muirhead (chines. Mu Weilian 慕維廉, 1822 - 1900). When Consul Medhurst learned about the warrant of arrest, he ordered Wang Tao to be sent to the police office of the British Concession. This decision was only motivated by the fact that he knew of Wang Tao's position as a translator for the missionaries for more than fourteen years. Medhurst consequently assumed him to be of noble character and thus worthy of his support. This was reported by Medhurst to Wu Xu in June 1862; simultaneously he proposed as the simplest solution to send Wang Tao into exile in Hong Kong.2

This proposal was sent to Bruce, the British Minister in Peking, who discussed the case with Prince Gong. Although Prince Gong declared Wang Tao guilty, he nevertheless left the possibility open to him to stay in Shanghai: if he would confess his fault, repent and additionally devote his special knowledge about the rebels to the Qing government. As the document reveals, his co-operation with the Taiping was apparently not regarded as heavy an offence as his latter protection-seeking with the foreigners.3 At the same time, the British representatives were accused for having offended against the Concession Treaties, because they had given shelter to a Chinese rebel. For the Chinese officials Wang Tao's close contact to the missionaries sufficed as satisfactory explanation for assuming his co-operation with the Taiping. Given the fact that Muirhead himself had frequently visited the Taiping leaders, this assumption is certainly not fully unreasonable.

The British representatives were, however, ignoring the Chinese government's protest and arranging Wang Tao's flight. Wang Tao finally went on board of the "Phona" for Hong Kong in the beginning of October.4 Wang Tao’s penname as journalist in Hong Kong, "Ne’er do well in a hidden cave", speaks of two aspect of his Hong Kong sojourn: his flight and failure. Although - according to Prince Gong - everybody in Shanghai had known about Wang Tao's dealings with the Taiping, Wang Tao never got tired to affirm his innocence and frequently addressed the authorities in Shanghai to allow his return.

As the documents and their statements of the Qing officials suggest, Wang Tao on one hand did have a choice between staying in Shanghai or fleeing to Hong Kong if he had been willing to repent and serve the Qing government as a spy against the Taiping. Apparently, this was no acceptable option for Wang Tao and he preferred a risky, exile life under the protection of the foreigners. The proceedings proposed by the Chinese government would most likely have ended his "career" as a writer and translator with the missionaries and also put an end to his rather unconventional lifestyle in Shanghai. Could this have been the reason for his "choice" to go to Hong Kong? We can assume, on the other hand, that Wang Tao did not want to leave Shanghai and would have submitted to many compromises only for being able to stay in this place. It is thus also to take into consideration in how far Wang Tao could have believed in the statements by Wu Xu or Prince Gong, even if the latter mentioned the precedent of Hong Renkai; also, was Prince Gong in Peking in a position stable enough to guarantee the compliance with his promise?

The Qing government apparently felt more threatened by Wang Tao's certainly rather new practice to seek the British legal protection than by his alleged subversive activities. Given the prominence of Wang Tao in Shanghai, the officials might have feared that his behaviour would set another kind of precedence, and therefore reacted more harshly towards this "offence" than towards his involvement with the Taipings. That he was able to return to Shanghai in the early 80's without any further prosecution but instead the formal approvement of the Qing officials - although formerly a "national traitor" - would support this assumption: apparently 20 years later the government had become increasingly familiar with the foreign presence and used to the meanwhile common practice of the Chinese to seek legal protection in the Settlements, and therefore could tolerate or excuse such a behaviour more easily.

 

---------------

1 FO 228 / 912, no 65. 18. September 1862. Gong to Bruce, "Reply to despatch of 13th September regarding Wang Han". P. 197 - 201. Chinese text, FO 230 /76. P. 53.

2 FO 228 / 329 No 156. 25. August, 1862. Enclosure: Note to the Taotae, by Medhurst, 8. Juni 1862. Chinese text in FO 228 / 910. P. 85.

3 FO 228 / 912, no 65. recd 18. September 1862. Gong to Bruce, "Reply to despatch of 13th September regarding Wang Han". P. 197 - 201.

4 FO 228 / 328. no 65. 10. October 1862. Medhurst to Bruce. S. 143.

 

FO 228 / 912 no 53. "Demanding rendition of Wang Han, teacher of Mr. Muirhead," Gong to Bruce, 1. July 1862. , pp. 149 - 151.
 

"The Prince Kung makes a communication.

H.E. Li, Govn of Kiang Su and H.E. Sieh, Minister Superintended of Trade, represent that they have had the honor to receive an Imperial Decree directing them to arrest without delay one Hwang Yuen, properly named Wang Han, a graduate who has been so lost as to join the rebels. His style is Lan Ch'ing; he is a fu-sheng (graduate of a certain class) of the district of Sui-yang, and was formerly engaged at the London Mission, Shanghai, in assisting the English missionary Mu (Muirhead) in literary composition, but joined the rebels last year became their advisor. The above rebel came to Shanghai on the 15th of the 4th moon (13th May) and once more domiciled himself at the London missions, lying there perdu and counting on the missionary Muirhead’s protection. His arrest by the force [of the Chinese authorities] being otherwise attended with difficulty from the fact that the London Mission lies within the bounds of the British Concession, the Judge of the province having in concert with the taotai of Shanghai posted troops in every direction to intercept him, wrote to Mr Consul Medhurst to send some of his police to assist in his capture. He was accordingly taken on the 23rd of the 4th moon (21st May). The English policeman insisted on first taking him up to Mr Medhurst to be identified and he was to have handed him over [to the local authorities] but Mr Medhurst took charge of the man and imprisoned him in the police office (consular Garl? [sic]).

Much time passed and the prisoner was not surrendered. The taotai applied in person several times for him, and Mr Muirhead having enquired what were the particulars of his crime, and requiring proof positive of its commission, the Judge communicated the documentary evidence in the case to Mr. Medhurst. Mr. Medhurst now replied that the crime of which Hwang Yuen had been guilty was legally punishable by decapitation, but that he could not bear to see his blood shed (lit. the blood dripping from his head when chuck[?]) and that consequently he could not (or, it would not do for him to) give him up. The point has been repeatedly argued with him, but Mr. Medhurst adhered to the above view and half a moon has now elapsed without the prisoner's being given up. Under these circumstances they (Li and Sieh) request the Prince to write to the British Minister to inform himself of the facts and take the necessary action.

The Prince finds it laid down in the Treaty Art XXI that if Chinese offenders take refugee in the houses or on board the vessels of British subjects, they shall not be harboured or concealed but shall be delivered up on due requisition by the Chinese authorities addressed to the British Consul. In the present instance Hwang Yuen as the advisor of the rebels was compassing the serious injury of Shanghai; the greatness of his crime, the depth of the atrocity is greater than words can express. But, besides this, the prisoner had been asserted by the common action of the authorities and the consul to whom in obedience to an Imperial Decree commanding his arrest, they had applied, and for the consul to continue to postpone his rendition on the plea of his own soft heartedness, is certainly not compliance with the Treaty stipulation. It is the Princes duty therefore to write to the British Minister and to request H.E. to send instruction without delay to Mr. Consul Medhurst to hand over Hwang Yuen then (their) and there [sic] to the taotai that he may deal with the case according to the facts that shall be established and that the Treaty may be duly observed.

I. H. Will be further obliged to H.W. to reply as soon as possible as the case is of great importance. Communication addressed to The Hon. Mr Bruce.

Tung Chih, 1 year, 6 moon, 5 day. 1st July 1862."

 

FO 230 /76: Chinese text of Prince Gong's communication (FO 228 / 912 no 53).

 


 
 

FO 228 / 329 No 156. 25. August, 1862
Enclosed: To the Taotae (a note), 8. June 1862

"On the 22nd May the weiyuen brought me a warrant under the seal of the Niehtai for the apprehension of Wang Han, a Chinese teacher employed in the premises of the English Missionary Muirhead, charged with having been in traitorous communication with Changwang, the Taeping Chief, for the delivery of Shanghai into the hands of the insurgent. I at once deputed a Constable to proceed with Luh to Mr Muirhead’s residence, and see the accused taken up, and I directed the Constable, in the event of Mr. Muirhead’s offering any objection, to bring the prisoner to his office and request Mr. Muirhead to accompany him. The Constable found it necessary to bring the prisoner here, and I then discovered from the first time that it was a man who had for 14 years been employed as a teacher by the London Missionary Society and one in whom their agents have already placed the greatest confidence. Feeling that under these circumstances it would be scarcely fair to the man or to his English employers to hand him over without enquiry to meet so dangerous an accusation as that laid to his charge, I begged the Niehtae to furnish me with any evidence he might possess of the man’s alleged culpability, so that I might form some opinion as to the propriety of placing him at the disposal of his own authorities. I conceived I was justified in taking this precaution because it is only to runaway criminals and those concealing themselves from justice in British Houses that the 21st Art. of the Treaty applies when it says such persons are to be given immediately on requisition. The Niehtae courteously admitted this right on my part, and acquainted me in reply with his reasons for making the charge. From his letter it appears that Wang Han has been long a suspected man, but that the main proof against him is a Memorial reported to have been written by him to the Rebel Chief, and which was found signed with his assumed name Hwang Wan in the entrenchment of Wang Kiasze when we took it. This fact the Niehtae argues is conclusive proof against Wang Han, seeing, that, if as he states an enemy had sent the letter to ruin him, it was most likely that his true name would have been used. The discovery of the letter moreover in a camp, the capture of which was never anticipated, the Niehtae looks upon as another evidence that it had been actually sent by the alleged writer. The above facts may be sufficient to attach strong suspicion to Wang Han; but they are not conclusive enough in my opinion to warrant me in delivering him over to be decapitated, which I have little doubt would be his fate were I to hand him to the Niehtae. I propose therefore that as he has been so long in British employ and has become the subject of such grave suspicions the simplest plan should be to let his employers take or send him away from this place to Hong Kong or elsewhere and prohibit his return on pain of being dealt with by the authorities as they think fit. I am the more inclined to this plan getting rid of the man because he came to Shanghae at the invitation of Rev. Mr. Muirhead, and on receiving an assurance from that gentleman made I am told on your authority that he would be safe from all harm.
Signed, Medhurst."
 
 


FO 228 / 910: Chinese text of Medhurst's note to the Daotai (FO 228 / 329 No 156).

 

 

FO 228 / 912, no 65. recd 18. September 1862. Gong to Bruce, "Reply to despatch of 13th September regarding Wang Han". P. 197 - 201.

"Reply to Desp of 13th Sept. Regarding Wang Han.

"The Prince of Kung makes a communication in reply.
The Prince has received the communication of the British Minister sent on the 23rd of the 8th moon (16th Sept.), in which H.E. argues at length the case of the rebel partisan Hwang Wan (the alleged rebel alias Wang Han) and enclosing a copy of the guarantee for his security given to the taotai Wu.

As to the amnesty there has been no instance since the Chinese government took the field against the rebels, in which the Imperial favor has not been extended to any persons who, having been compelled to follow the rebels, have sincerely repented and made tender of their allegiance, or, in expiation of their offence, have done his Majesty a service. Not only have such persons not been publicly executed, but any merit they may have achieved has been rewarded; they have in numerous instances risen to the highest rank. Again and again has H.M. in His Decrees enjoined this course upon the commanders in chief of the armies engaged in different parts of the Empire, and the action taken by them thereon has become precedents accordingly. But the other day Hung Jung-kai and others tendered their allegiance at Kuang Te Chou, and were liberally rewarded as the public have been informed within and without the Capital. Foreign nations were not invited to join in the guarantee given to these men, before [they would accept it], nor [did government] wait until H.E. had argued the point before it took the step.

As to Hwang Wan, his partisanship with rebels, was abundantly patent to all men, and Mr Muirhead, knowing that he was a follower of the rebels, ought not to have kept him in his employ as a teacher. When Hwang enquired of the taotai [whether he might return or not] he was evidently feeling his grounds; otherwise [he would have done as others do]. Numbers have made out their escape from districts that have fallen into rebel hands in Cheh Kiang and the Kiang provinces, and why should Hwang Wan, differently from all others, commission Mr. Muirhead to make enquiries for him? The plain inference is that Hwang Wan was alarmed because he felt himself in danger of the law and that Mr Muirhead associated himself with his guilt by giving him protection.

As to the paper given by the taotai Wu, there is nothing in his words that is false or perfidious. His paper says "Lan Ching, if you will come again to my place". Certainly, when he said "my place" the taotai did not intend him to get a foreign government to the hands of his own superior; [he meant him to come to his court, if you do], he says, I will of course make you secure [from molestations]; that is to say, that, as Hwang had been long among the rebels, was fully informed of their actual condition, and was in their confidence, he (the taotai) would either have employed him to bring rebels over to government to sow dissension among them. Had he thus reestablished his loyalty, what difference would there have been between his position and that of Hung Jung-kai and his associates?

So far from there being any, a reward would have been applied for on his behalf. What is there [in the taotai's proposal] but a measure perfectly calculated to secure [the man from harm], the purpose of a mind philanthropically regardful of mankind? Hwang Wan was too much in love with his crime to reform. So far from a thought of rehabilitating himself by the destruction of the rebels, he will not even surrender in person. He is then plainly told that he shall be safe. But even then he will not do as he is desired, but throws himself on a foreign government and hold out against his own authorities. It is at this stage that the high officers of the Provincial Government having no other course left them, are obliged to deal with him as with a rebel. But this is the consequence of Hwang Wan's unnatural conduct, not of the excessively atrocious cruelty of the Chinese government. [And now to come to Mr. Medhurst;] The British Government has a reputation for the importance it attaches to good faith, and it is bound, therefore, to attach importance to its treaty engagements. In the 2nd Article of the Treaty it is laid down that Chinese criminals taking refuge in British residences or on board British vessels, shall not be allowed to secure themselves from justice, but shall be delivered up being addressed to the Consul. Mr Medhurst has committed a main breach of treaty. He has proposed to himself to protect this man and by various acts of trickings and violence has precipitated Hwang Wan into a course of evil from which he leaves him no way of escape. Now, when under these circumstances the local authorities are charged with having shamelessly broken faith, is the fact to be ignored that Mr Medhurst’s breach of treaty is in itself a breach of faith? Or that his wilful precipitation of Hwang Wan is not a course of evil from which he leaves him no way of return, is in itself an act of atrocious cruelty? Mr. Muirhead has little studied his own moral advantage in this proceeding; + the less that of Hwang Wan; but in no degree has he studied the good reputation of the British Government. The humanity of His Imperial Majesty is at the heavens [for extent]. There is no reason why an atom like Hwang Wan should not be allowed a place within its bounds. If, in the time to come, he shall succeed in rehabilitating himself by the destruction of rebels, the precedents of others who have returned of their allegiance, will be applicable to his case. But not if he adds guilt to his present guilt, nor unless he performs some really great service. If he continues impenitent, and thereby causes the British Govt to commit the sin of protecting a malefactor in defiance of the treaty, he will be more deserving than he now is of death, and native and foreigners should unite to put an end to him.

The Prince in his administration of affairs, while, on the one hand, he yields obedience to the laws of the State, is guided, on the other hand, by his conscience; nor does His Highness consider that violence of language or perversion of justice alone constitute capacity.

A necessary communication addressed to the Hon Mr Bruce at the Tung Chih 1st year, 8th moon, 25th day. 18. Sept. 1862
Translated by Thomas Wade, Chinese Secretary."

 

P.201 Translation of the taotai Wu's Guarantee, enclosed in Consul Medhurst's Despatch. No 156.

It is written on the visiting card of Wu Hsu, the taotai at Shanghai and if I mistake not, in his hand, which I know very well. “Lan Ch'ing, if you will come to my place again, I will not fail to secure you [from harm]. Do not mind what people say.
4th moon, 8th day.

The Judges letter to Mr Muirhead states that it was on the 6th of the 3rd moon (a month earlier than the date of this paper) that the troops found at Wang Ka dzu the paper alleged to have been written by the Chinese in question. His name is Wang Han, and his style, or appellation assumed when he became on juvenile age, Lan Ching, by which the taotai here addresses him. As a rebel he is alleged to have taken the name of Hwang Wan the surname Wang being more and more used by the rebels. It means king, and is consecrated social and princely ranks by the Tai Ping Wang.
Thomas Wade, Chinese Secretary."

 

FO 228 / 328 no 65. P. 143. 10. October, 1862: Medhurst to Bruce

"Sir, Wang Han was despatched last week to Hongkong per "Phona" the first opportunity that offered after receipt of your despatch no 65 dated the 18th ultimo."

 


 

 

 

【Seminar Abstract】

 

 

The Curious Case of He Shuangqing 賀雙卿:

The Great Peasant Woman Poet*

 

Paul S.Ropp

Clark University

 

 

Recent scholarly attention to the poetry and the life story of Shuangqing falls into two camps: literalists who assume her existence and concentrate on her haunting poetry, and historicists who emphasize her role as a cultural ideal. I propose to engage these conflicting interpretations in dialogue, and to examine their implications for our understanding of Chinese cultural production and reproduction. In her popular anthology of Chinese women's poetry, and in a recent conference paper, Professor Su Zhecong of Wuhan University argues for the historicity of the peasant poet Shuangqing. In two recent books (1993), Elsie Choy and Du Fangqin, respectively, argue that Shuangqing did indeed exist. In Leaves of Prayer, Elsie Choy offers English translations of Shuangqing's poetry and most of the passages in Random Notes dealing with Shuangqing; and in China, Du Fangqin has published a 250-page collection of material, He Shuangqing ji (Collection Materials on He Shuangqing), including commentaries from the eighteenth century to the present. From a more agnostic position on the historicity of Shuangqing, Grace Fong and Kang Zhengguo have emphasized the appeal of such a marginalized woman for Chinese literati who were themselves marginalized. In one (1994) article, Grace Fong includes several of Shuangqing's song lyrics in her discussion of the evolution of a “woman's voice” in the genre. In two 1993 conference papers, Grace Fong and Kang Zhengguo focus on the appeal of Shuangqing as a feminine ideal. This recent outpouring of scholarship from conflicting perspectives made a new interpretive synthesis both possible and desirable.

Changes in the Shuangqing image over time reveal among other things, changing or conflicting definitions of Chinese society. While Shi Zhenlin's memoir highlights the non-conformity of his circle of friends, subsequent versions of Shuangqing ignored the flirtatiousness of her poems and concentrated on the image of the brilliant and virtuous woman. In the 1920s, when Chinese scholars were anxious to find elements of modernity in Chinese traditions, there was a resurgence of interest in Shi Zhenlin's elegant narrative, his declared sympathies with women, and his romantic outlook. By contrast, in the People's Republic of China where (until recently) class analysis has been obligatory and sexuality has been off limits as a topic of analysis, most commentators on Shuangqing have emphasized her peasant background and ignored the romantic or scandalous implications of Shi's memoir. Today, renewed interest in this narrative reflects contemporary concerns with issues of class in the formation of literary traditions. My goal is to illuminate previously unexplored connections between China's changing social and cultural contexts and changing definitions of Shuangqing as cultural icon.

 


* Lecture delivered on October 20, 1997 co-organized by the Department of History, Chinese Women's History Research Unit, and the Gender Studies Research Group, Hong Kong Baptist University.


 

 

 

【Academic Journal】

 

 

Journal of the History of Christianity in Modern China

 

Cathy J.Potter

The Chinese University of Hong Kong

 

 

Co-published by the Department of History and the Centre for Educational Development, the Journal of the History of Christianity in Modern China近代中國基督教史研究集刊 is to be published annually in April. Dr. Lee Kam-keung serves as the chief editor and the Editorial Board members include Prof. J. Barton Starr, Dr. Chow Kai-wing, Dr. Lam Kai-yin and Dr. Wong Man-kong. 15 scholars from China Mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Japan, and U.S.A. agreed to serve in the Editorial Advisory Board.

 

The contents of the first volume are as listed below:

 

創刊詞 Foreword                                              1

 

研究史與書目 Literature Review and Bibliography

中國基督教史研究的興起及其發展

The Rise and Development of Research on the History of Christianity in China

李金強

Lee Kam-keung

5

Chinese Christianity and Christian Mission, Western Literature: The State of the Field

西方學者關於中國基督教宣教及教會史之研究

Jessie G. Lutz

魯珍晞

31

一九四九年以來國內中國基督教史研究述評

A State-of-the-Field Paper on the History of Chinese Christianity in the PRC Since 1949

陶飛亞

Tao Fei-ya

56

大陸的中國天主教研究概述

A Brief Account of Studies on the History of the Catholic Church in the PRC 

顧衛民

Gu Wei-ming

68

日本之中國基督教史研究的回顧與展望

Studies on the History of Chinese Christianity in Japan: Retrospect and Prospect

深澤秀男著

容應萸譯

Fukazawa Hideo,

Rong Ying-yu 

(trans.)

77

本色化與民國基督教教會史研究

Indigenization and Studies of Chinese Church History in the Republican Period

邢福增

Ying Fuk-tsang

85

 

中國教會大學歷史重尋的現代意義

Historical Studies of Christian Colleges in China in Recent Years and Their Significance in the Contemporary Era

吳梓明

Ng Tze-ming,

Peter

101

私立華西協合大學檔案全宗概況

A Brief Account of the Archives of the West China Union University

郭勇、張麗萍

Guo Yong and

Zhang Li-ping

111

 

口述歷史 Oral History

 

 

     謝吳道潔女士教會生活的回憶

My Early Days as a Christian by Mrs. Kitty Tse, the Librarian, Hong Kong Baptist University

彭淑敏、張美娥

Pang Suk-man and 

Cheung Mei-ngor

126

 

牧師傳 Biography of a Pastor

 

 

我的父親劉粵聲牧師

My Father Rev. Lau Yuet Shing

劉少康

Lau Shiu-hong,

Timothy

131

 

書評專題 Review Article

 

 

Review of God’s Chinese Son: The Taiping Heavenly Kingdom of Hong Xiuquan by Jonathan Spence

史景遷:《上帝之中國兒子:洪秀全之太平天國》

Lauren Pfister

費樂仁

138

 

書評 Book Reviews

 

 

顧衛民:《基督教與近代中國社會》

Christianity and Modern Chinese Society by Gu Wai-ming

梁元生

Leung Yuen-sang,

Philip

151

李瑞明:《嶺南大學校史》

A History of the Lingnan University by Li Rui-ming

梁家麟

Leung Ka-lun

153

吳梓明主編:《中國教會大學歷史文獻研討會論文集》

Essays on Historical Archives of Christian Higher Education in China, edited by Ng Tze-ming, Peter

彭淑敏

Pang Suk-man

155

James Legge: A Pioneer at Crossroads of East and West by Wong Man-kong, Timothy

黃文江:《理雅各:東西十字路口之先驅者》

姜嘉榮

Keung Ka-wing

158

 

編後語 Editorial Note

 

 
160

                                                                              (Information Unit)