2 有關這些機關的藏書情況，日本學者比較留意，可參：松本信廣〈河內法國遠東學院所藏安南本書目〉(《史學》13：4，1934年)，及〈越南王室所藏安南本書目〉(《史學》14：2，1935年)；山本達郎〈河內法國遠東學院所藏字喃本及安南版漢籍書目〉(《史學》16：4，1938年)，〈河內法國遠東學院所藏安南本追加目錄〉(《東學報》36：2，1953年)，〈巴黎國民圖書館所藏安南本目錄〉(《東學報》36：1，1953年)，〈巴黎亞細亞協會所藏安南本書目〉(《東洋文化研究所紀要》5，1954年)；川本邦衛〈越南社會科學書院所藏漢喃本目錄〉(《慶應義塾大學言語文化研究所紀要》2，1971年)；藤原利一郎〈巴黎國立圖書館新收安南本目錄〉(《史窗》32，1974年)等。還有《東洋文庫朝鮮本分類目錄附安南本目錄》(東洋文庫，1939年)，Cornell University Libraries─ Southeast Asia Catalog，1-7 (Boston, 1976)等。
6 陳荊和編校《校合本．大越史記全書》上、中、下冊 (東京：東京大學東洋文化研究所附屬東洋學文獻中心，1984年)。
10 松本信廣〈安南史研究上的兩種資料──Bibliographie Annamite與大南實錄〉(《史學》15：1，1936年)；大澤一雄《大南實錄前編索引──人名之部》(慶應義塾大學文學部東洋史研究室，1964年)。
【Historian and History】
Why Did Wang Tao go to Hong Kong? Some Preliminary Observation from the Unpublished Documents in the Public Records Office, London
Hong Kong had become Wang Tao's place of refugee for more than 20 years and the prevailing narrative about the reasons for his exile are wellknown to many readers: Wang Tao had undertaken a trip to his hometown in spring 1862 and thereby had crossed the newly conquered territory of the Taiping kingdom. During his travels a certain document fell into the hands of some Qing officials, in which the rebels were advised how to capture the city of Shanghai. For reasons of style and signature this letter was ascribed to Wang Tao. After learning about this accusation Wang Tao returned to Shanghai and strongly affirmed his innocence. And yet, the Qing government did not believe him and only with the help of the British missionaries and the Consul in Shanghai he was able to escape from detention - which most likely would have been followed by his execution - and fled to Hong Kong.
Academic debates focused on the question, whether Wang Tao had written the letter to the rebels or not, for many years. It may suffice to mention at this place, that meanwhile the majority holds the opinion, that he is the author and was in fact supporting the Taiping. Given his close contact to the missionaries, who were often very supportive of the "Christian" rebellion, and his reformist stance, such an attitude would not even be too surprising. The following documents of the Public Record Office in London, which were neglected in the discussion so far, cannot shed light on this particular question, but rather pose the more fundamental and until now untouched question, whether his flight to Hong Kong has been necessary at all. This is why I would like to present them here.
The following communications between the Consul Medhurst in Shanghai, the Daotai Wu Xu (吳煦), the British Minister Sir Frederick William Adolphus Bruce (1814 - 1867) in Peking as well as Prince Gong discuss Wang Tao's detention and its possible consequences at length. One month after the letter had been found with the rebels, Wu Xu had proposed to Wang Tao to return to Shanghai without having to fear grave consequences: "Lan Ch'ing, if you will come to my place again, I will not fail to secure you [from harm]. Do not mind what people say. 4th moon, 8th day."1 These assurances notwithstanding, the investigating magistrate Liu ordered to arrest Wang Tao, who stood under protection of William Muirhead (chines. Mu Weilian 慕維廉, 1822 - 1900). When Consul Medhurst learned about the warrant of arrest, he ordered Wang Tao to be sent to the police office of the British Concession. This decision was only motivated by the fact that he knew of Wang Tao's position as a translator for the missionaries for more than fourteen years. Medhurst consequently assumed him to be of noble character and thus worthy of his support. This was reported by Medhurst to Wu Xu in June 1862; simultaneously he proposed as the simplest solution to send Wang Tao into exile in Hong Kong.2
This proposal was sent to Bruce, the British Minister in Peking, who discussed the case with Prince Gong. Although Prince Gong declared Wang Tao guilty, he nevertheless left the possibility open to him to stay in Shanghai: if he would confess his fault, repent and additionally devote his special knowledge about the rebels to the Qing government. As the document reveals, his co-operation with the Taiping was apparently not regarded as heavy an offence as his latter protection-seeking with the foreigners.3 At the same time, the British representatives were accused for having offended against the Concession Treaties, because they had given shelter to a Chinese rebel. For the Chinese officials Wang Tao's close contact to the missionaries sufficed as satisfactory explanation for assuming his co-operation with the Taiping. Given the fact that Muirhead himself had frequently visited the Taiping leaders, this assumption is certainly not fully unreasonable.
The British representatives were, however, ignoring the Chinese government's protest and arranging Wang Tao's flight. Wang Tao finally went on board of the "Phona" for Hong Kong in the beginning of October.4 Wang Tao’s penname as journalist in Hong Kong, "Ne’er do well in a hidden cave", speaks of two aspect of his Hong Kong sojourn: his flight and failure. Although - according to Prince Gong - everybody in Shanghai had known about Wang Tao's dealings with the Taiping, Wang Tao never got tired to affirm his innocence and frequently addressed the authorities in Shanghai to allow his return.
As the documents and their statements of the Qing officials suggest, Wang Tao on one hand did have a choice between staying in Shanghai or fleeing to Hong Kong if he had been willing to repent and serve the Qing government as a spy against the Taiping. Apparently, this was no acceptable option for Wang Tao and he preferred a risky, exile life under the protection of the foreigners. The proceedings proposed by the Chinese government would most likely have ended his "career" as a writer and translator with the missionaries and also put an end to his rather unconventional lifestyle in Shanghai. Could this have been the reason for his "choice" to go to Hong Kong? We can assume, on the other hand, that Wang Tao did not want to leave Shanghai and would have submitted to many compromises only for being able to stay in this place. It is thus also to take into consideration in how far Wang Tao could have believed in the statements by Wu Xu or Prince Gong, even if the latter mentioned the precedent of Hong Renkai; also, was Prince Gong in Peking in a position stable enough to guarantee the compliance with his promise?
The Qing government apparently felt more threatened by Wang Tao's certainly rather new practice to seek the British legal protection than by his alleged subversive activities. Given the prominence of Wang Tao in Shanghai, the officials might have feared that his behaviour would set another kind of precedence, and therefore reacted more harshly towards this "offence" than towards his involvement with the Taipings. That he was able to return to Shanghai in the early 80's without any further prosecution but instead the formal approvement of the Qing officials - although formerly a "national traitor" - would support this assumption: apparently 20 years later the government had become increasingly familiar with the foreign presence and used to the meanwhile common practice of the Chinese to seek legal protection in the Settlements, and therefore could tolerate or excuse such a behaviour more easily.
1 FO 228 / 912, no 65. 18. September 1862. Gong to Bruce, "Reply to despatch of 13th September regarding Wang Han". P. 197 - 201. Chinese text, FO 230 /76. P. 53.
2 FO 228 / 329 No 156. 25. August, 1862. Enclosure: Note to the Taotae, by Medhurst, 8. Juni 1862. Chinese text in FO 228 / 910. P. 85.
3 FO 228 / 912, no 65. recd 18. September 1862. Gong to Bruce, "Reply to despatch of 13th September regarding Wang Han". P. 197 - 201.
4 FO 228 / 328. no 65. 10. October 1862. Medhurst to Bruce. S. 143.
FO 228 / 912 no 53.
"Demanding rendition of Wang Han, teacher of Mr. Muirhead," Gong to
Bruce, 1. July 1862. , pp. 149 - 151.
"The Prince Kung makes a communication.
H.E. Li, Govn of Kiang Su and H.E. Sieh, Minister Superintended of Trade, represent that they have had the honor to receive an Imperial Decree directing them to arrest without delay one Hwang Yuen, properly named Wang Han, a graduate who has been so lost as to join the rebels. His style is Lan Ch'ing; he is a fu-sheng (graduate of a certain class) of the district of Sui-yang, and was formerly engaged at the London Mission, Shanghai, in assisting the English missionary Mu (Muirhead) in literary composition, but joined the rebels last year became their advisor. The above rebel came to Shanghai on the 15th of the 4th moon (13th May) and once more domiciled himself at the London missions, lying there perdu and counting on the missionary Muirhead’s protection. His arrest by the force [of the Chinese authorities] being otherwise attended with difficulty from the fact that the London Mission lies within the bounds of the British Concession, the Judge of the province having in concert with the taotai of Shanghai posted troops in every direction to intercept him, wrote to Mr Consul Medhurst to send some of his police to assist in his capture. He was accordingly taken on the 23rd of the 4th moon (21st May). The English policeman insisted on first taking him up to Mr Medhurst to be identified and he was to have handed him over [to the local authorities] but Mr Medhurst took charge of the man and imprisoned him in the police office (consular Garl? [sic]).
Much time passed and the prisoner was not surrendered. The taotai applied in person several times for him, and Mr Muirhead having enquired what were the particulars of his crime, and requiring proof positive of its commission, the Judge communicated the documentary evidence in the case to Mr. Medhurst. Mr. Medhurst now replied that the crime of which Hwang Yuen had been guilty was legally punishable by decapitation, but that he could not bear to see his blood shed (lit. the blood dripping from his head when chuck[?]) and that consequently he could not (or, it would not do for him to) give him up. The point has been repeatedly argued with him, but Mr. Medhurst adhered to the above view and half a moon has now elapsed without the prisoner's being given up. Under these circumstances they (Li and Sieh) request the Prince to write to the British Minister to inform himself of the facts and take the necessary action.
The Prince finds it laid down in the Treaty Art XXI that if Chinese offenders take refugee in the houses or on board the vessels of British subjects, they shall not be harboured or concealed but shall be delivered up on due requisition by the Chinese authorities addressed to the British Consul. In the present instance Hwang Yuen as the advisor of the rebels was compassing the serious injury of Shanghai; the greatness of his crime, the depth of the atrocity is greater than words can express. But, besides this, the prisoner had been asserted by the common action of the authorities and the consul to whom in obedience to an Imperial Decree commanding his arrest, they had applied, and for the consul to continue to postpone his rendition on the plea of his own soft heartedness, is certainly not compliance with the Treaty stipulation. It is the Princes duty therefore to write to the British Minister and to request H.E. to send instruction without delay to Mr. Consul Medhurst to hand over Hwang Yuen then (their) and there [sic] to the taotai that he may deal with the case according to the facts that shall be established and that the Treaty may be duly observed.
I. H. Will be further obliged to H.W. to reply as soon as possible as the case is of great importance. Communication addressed to The Hon. Mr Bruce.
Tung Chih, 1 year, 6 moon, 5 day. 1st July 1862."
FO 230 /76: Chinese text of Prince Gong's communication (FO 228 / 912 no 53).
FO 228 / 329 No 156. 25.
Enclosed: To the Taotae (a note), 8. June 1862
"On the 22nd May the weiyuen
陸 brought me a warrant under the seal of 留
the Niehtai for the apprehension of Wang Han, a Chinese teacher employed in the
premises of the English Missionary Muirhead, charged with having been in
traitorous communication with Changwang, the Taeping Chief, for the delivery of
Shanghai into the hands of the insurgent. I at once deputed a Constable to
proceed with Luh to Mr Muirhead’s residence, and see the accused taken up, and
I directed the Constable, in the event of Mr. Muirhead’s offering any
objection, to bring the prisoner to his office and request Mr. Muirhead to
accompany him. The Constable found it necessary to bring the prisoner here, and
I then discovered from the first time that it was a man who had for 14 years
been employed as a teacher by the London Missionary Society and one in whom
their agents have already placed the greatest confidence. Feeling that under
these circumstances it would be scarcely fair to the man or to his English
employers to hand him over without enquiry to meet so dangerous an accusation as
that laid to his charge, I begged the Niehtae to furnish me with any evidence he
might possess of the man’s alleged culpability, so that I might form some
opinion as to the propriety of placing him at the disposal of his own
authorities. I conceived I was justified in taking this precaution because it is
only to runaway criminals and those concealing themselves from justice in
British Houses that the 21st Art. of the Treaty applies when it says such
persons are to be given immediately on requisition. The Niehtae courteously
admitted this right on my part, and acquainted me in reply with his reasons for
making the charge. From his letter it appears that Wang Han has been long a
suspected man, but that the main proof against him is a Memorial reported to
have been written by him to the Rebel Chief, and which was found signed with his
assumed name Hwang Wan in the entrenchment of Wang Kiasze when we took it. This
fact the Niehtae argues is conclusive proof against Wang Han, seeing, that, if
as he states an enemy had sent the letter to ruin him, it was most likely that
his true name would have been used. The discovery of the letter moreover in a
camp, the capture of which was never anticipated, the Niehtae looks upon as
another evidence that it had been actually sent by the alleged writer. The above
facts may be sufficient to attach strong suspicion to Wang Han; but they are not
conclusive enough in my opinion to warrant me in delivering him over to be
decapitated, which I have little doubt would be his fate were I to hand him to
the Niehtae. I propose therefore that as he has been so long in British employ
and has become the subject of such grave suspicions the simplest plan should be
to let his employers take or send him away from this place to Hong Kong or
elsewhere and prohibit his return on pain of being dealt with by the authorities
as they think fit. I am the more inclined to this plan getting rid of the man
because he came to Shanghae at the invitation of Rev. Mr. Muirhead, and on
receiving an assurance from that gentleman made I am told on your authority that
he would be safe from all harm.
FO 228 / 912, no 65. recd 18. September 1862. Gong to Bruce, "Reply to despatch of 13th September regarding Wang Han". P. 197 - 201.
"Reply to Desp of 13th Sept. Regarding Wang Han.
"The Prince of Kung makes a
communication in reply.
The Prince has received the communication of the British Minister sent on the 23rd of the 8th moon (16th Sept.), in which H.E. argues at length the case of the rebel partisan Hwang Wan (the alleged rebel alias Wang Han) and enclosing a copy of the guarantee for his security given to the taotai Wu.
As to the amnesty there has been no instance since the Chinese government took the field against the rebels, in which the Imperial favor has not been extended to any persons who, having been compelled to follow the rebels, have sincerely repented and made tender of their allegiance, or, in expiation of their offence, have done his Majesty a service. Not only have such persons not been publicly executed, but any merit they may have achieved has been rewarded; they have in numerous instances risen to the highest rank. Again and again has H.M. in His Decrees enjoined this course upon the commanders in chief of the armies engaged in different parts of the Empire, and the action taken by them thereon has become precedents accordingly. But the other day Hung Jung-kai and others tendered their allegiance at Kuang Te Chou, and were liberally rewarded as the public have been informed within and without the Capital. Foreign nations were not invited to join in the guarantee given to these men, before [they would accept it], nor [did government] wait until H.E. had argued the point before it took the step.
As to Hwang Wan, his partisanship with rebels, was abundantly patent to all men, and Mr Muirhead, knowing that he was a follower of the rebels, ought not to have kept him in his employ as a teacher. When Hwang enquired of the taotai [whether he might return or not] he was evidently feeling his grounds; otherwise [he would have done as others do]. Numbers have made out their escape from districts that have fallen into rebel hands in Cheh Kiang and the Kiang provinces, and why should Hwang Wan, differently from all others, commission Mr. Muirhead to make enquiries for him? The plain inference is that Hwang Wan was alarmed because he felt himself in danger of the law and that Mr Muirhead associated himself with his guilt by giving him protection.
As to the paper given by the taotai Wu, there is nothing in his words that is false or perfidious. His paper says "Lan Ching, if you will come again to my place". Certainly, when he said "my place" the taotai did not intend him to get a foreign government to the hands of his own superior; [he meant him to come to his court, if you do], he says, I will of course make you secure [from molestations]; that is to say, that, as Hwang had been long among the rebels, was fully informed of their actual condition, and was in their confidence, he (the taotai) would either have employed him to bring rebels over to government to sow dissension among them. Had he thus reestablished his loyalty, what difference would there have been between his position and that of Hung Jung-kai and his associates?
So far from there being any, a reward would have been applied for on his behalf. What is there [in the taotai's proposal] but a measure perfectly calculated to secure [the man from harm], the purpose of a mind philanthropically regardful of mankind? Hwang Wan was too much in love with his crime to reform. So far from a thought of rehabilitating himself by the destruction of the rebels, he will not even surrender in person. He is then plainly told that he shall be safe. But even then he will not do as he is desired, but throws himself on a foreign government and hold out against his own authorities. It is at this stage that the high officers of the Provincial Government having no other course left them, are obliged to deal with him as with a rebel. But this is the consequence of Hwang Wan's unnatural conduct, not of the excessively atrocious cruelty of the Chinese government. [And now to come to Mr. Medhurst;] The British Government has a reputation for the importance it attaches to good faith, and it is bound, therefore, to attach importance to its treaty engagements. In the 2nd Article of the Treaty it is laid down that Chinese criminals taking refuge in British residences or on board British vessels, shall not be allowed to secure themselves from justice, but shall be delivered up being addressed to the Consul. Mr Medhurst has committed a main breach of treaty. He has proposed to himself to protect this man and by various acts of trickings and violence has precipitated Hwang Wan into a course of evil from which he leaves him no way of escape. Now, when under these circumstances the local authorities are charged with having shamelessly broken faith, is the fact to be ignored that Mr Medhurst’s breach of treaty is in itself a breach of faith? Or that his wilful precipitation of Hwang Wan is not a course of evil from which he leaves him no way of return, is in itself an act of atrocious cruelty? Mr. Muirhead has little studied his own moral advantage in this proceeding; + the less that of Hwang Wan; but in no degree has he studied the good reputation of the British Government. The humanity of His Imperial Majesty is at the heavens [for extent]. There is no reason why an atom like Hwang Wan should not be allowed a place within its bounds. If, in the time to come, he shall succeed in rehabilitating himself by the destruction of rebels, the precedents of others who have returned of their allegiance, will be applicable to his case. But not if he adds guilt to his present guilt, nor unless he performs some really great service. If he continues impenitent, and thereby causes the British Govt to commit the sin of protecting a malefactor in defiance of the treaty, he will be more deserving than he now is of death, and native and foreigners should unite to put an end to him.
The Prince in his administration of affairs, while, on the one hand, he yields obedience to the laws of the State, is guided, on the other hand, by his conscience; nor does His Highness consider that violence of language or perversion of justice alone constitute capacity.
A necessary communication
addressed to the Hon Mr Bruce at the Tung Chih 1st year, 8th moon, 25th day. 18.
Translated by Thomas Wade, Chinese Secretary."
P.201 Translation of the taotai Wu's Guarantee, enclosed in Consul Medhurst's Despatch. No 156.
It is written on the visiting
card of Wu Hsu, the taotai at Shanghai and if I mistake not, in his hand,
which I know very well. “Lan Ch'ing, if you will come to my place again, I
will not fail to secure you [from harm]. Do not mind what people say.
4th moon, 8th day.
The Judges letter to Mr Muirhead
states that it was on the 6th of the 3rd moon (a month earlier than the date of
this paper) that the troops found at Wang Ka dzu the paper alleged to have been
written by the Chinese in question. His name is Wang Han, and his style, or
appellation assumed when he became on juvenile age, Lan Ching, by which the
taotai here addresses him. As a rebel he is alleged to have taken the name
of Hwang Wan the surname Wang being more and more used by the rebels. It means
king, and is consecrated social and princely ranks by the Tai Ping Wang.
Thomas Wade, Chinese Secretary."
FO 228 / 328 no 65. P. 143. 10. October, 1862: Medhurst to Bruce
"Sir, Wang Han was despatched last week to Hongkong per "Phona" the first opportunity that offered after receipt of your despatch no 65 dated the 18th ultimo."
The Curious Case of He Shuangqing 賀雙卿:
The Great Peasant Woman Poet*
Recent scholarly attention to the poetry and the life story of Shuangqing falls into two camps: literalists who assume her existence and concentrate on her haunting poetry, and historicists who emphasize her role as a cultural ideal. I propose to engage these conflicting interpretations in dialogue, and to examine their implications for our understanding of Chinese cultural production and reproduction. In her popular anthology of Chinese women's poetry, and in a recent conference paper, Professor Su Zhecong of Wuhan University argues for the historicity of the peasant poet Shuangqing. In two recent books (1993), Elsie Choy and Du Fangqin, respectively, argue that Shuangqing did indeed exist. In Leaves of Prayer, Elsie Choy offers English translations of Shuangqing's poetry and most of the passages in Random Notes dealing with Shuangqing; and in China, Du Fangqin has published a 250-page collection of material, He Shuangqing ji (Collection Materials on He Shuangqing), including commentaries from the eighteenth century to the present. From a more agnostic position on the historicity of Shuangqing, Grace Fong and Kang Zhengguo have emphasized the appeal of such a marginalized woman for Chinese literati who were themselves marginalized. In one (1994) article, Grace Fong includes several of Shuangqing's song lyrics in her discussion of the evolution of a “woman's voice” in the genre. In two 1993 conference papers, Grace Fong and Kang Zhengguo focus on the appeal of Shuangqing as a feminine ideal. This recent outpouring of scholarship from conflicting perspectives made a new interpretive synthesis both possible and desirable.
Changes in the Shuangqing image over time reveal among other things, changing or conflicting definitions of Chinese society. While Shi Zhenlin's memoir highlights the non-conformity of his circle of friends, subsequent versions of Shuangqing ignored the flirtatiousness of her poems and concentrated on the image of the brilliant and virtuous woman. In the 1920s, when Chinese scholars were anxious to find elements of modernity in Chinese traditions, there was a resurgence of interest in Shi Zhenlin's elegant narrative, his declared sympathies with women, and his romantic outlook. By contrast, in the People's Republic of China where (until recently) class analysis has been obligatory and sexuality has been off limits as a topic of analysis, most commentators on Shuangqing have emphasized her peasant background and ignored the romantic or scandalous implications of Shi's memoir. Today, renewed interest in this narrative reflects contemporary concerns with issues of class in the formation of literary traditions. My goal is to illuminate previously unexplored connections between China's changing social and cultural contexts and changing definitions of Shuangqing as cultural icon.
* Lecture delivered on October 20, 1997 co-organized by the Department of History, Chinese Women's History Research Unit, and the Gender Studies Research Group, Hong Kong Baptist University.
Journal of the History of Christianity in Modern China
The Chinese University of Hong Kong
Co-published by the Department of History and the Centre for Educational Development, the Journal of the History of Christianity in Modern China近代中國基督教史研究集刊 is to be published annually in April. Dr. Lee Kam-keung serves as the chief editor and the Editorial Board members include Prof. J. Barton Starr, Dr. Chow Kai-wing, Dr. Lam Kai-yin and Dr. Wong Man-kong. 15 scholars from China Mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Japan, and U.S.A. agreed to serve in the Editorial Advisory Board.
The contents of the first volume are as listed below:
創刊詞 Foreword 1
研究史與書目 Literature Review and Bibliography
The Rise and Development of Research on the History of Christianity in China
Chinese Christianity and Christian Mission, Western Literature: The State of the Field
Jessie G. Lutz
A State-of-the-Field Paper on the History of Chinese Christianity in the PRC Since 1949
A Brief Account of Studies on the History of the Catholic Church in the PRC
Studies on the History of Chinese Christianity in Japan: Retrospect and Prospect
Indigenization and Studies of Chinese Church History in the Republican Period
Historical Studies of Christian Colleges in China in Recent Years and Their Significance in the Contemporary Era
A Brief Account of the Archives of the West China Union University
Guo Yong and
口述歷史 Oral History
My Early Days as a Christian by Mrs. Kitty Tse, the Librarian, Hong Kong Baptist University
Pang Suk-man and
牧師傳 Biography of a Pastor
My Father Rev. Lau Yuet Shing
書評專題 Review Article
Review of God’s Chinese Son: The Taiping Heavenly Kingdom of Hong Xiuquan by Jonathan Spence
書評 Book Reviews
Christianity and Modern Chinese Society by Gu Wai-ming
A History of the Lingnan University by Li Rui-ming
Essays on Historical Archives of Christian Higher Education in China, edited by Ng Tze-ming, Peter
James Legge: A Pioneer at Crossroads of East and West by Wong Man-kong, Timothy
編後語 Editorial Note